AKUNWAFOR, G.S.2023-10-092023-10-091994-11-30AN ESSAY SUBMITTED TO THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE (FOR POLICY AND STRATEGIC STUDIES) KURU, IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD OF THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE (mni).023483http://localhost:8080/xmlui/handle/123456789/244United NationsThe United Nations was created in 1945 during the final days of World War II "to maintain international peace and security... to develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination and... to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character". The Charter established six principal organs namely: a Security Council, a General Assembly, a Trusteeship Council, an Economic and Social Council, an international Court of Justice and a Secretariat. Of these, the Security Council, presently composed of five permanent members and ten non permanent members, is the most important and strategic. The five permanent members are the Republic of China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States of America. As the victorious Allied Powers, they were determined in entrenching themselves as the undisputed leaders of the new order by attributing special responsibilities and privileges to themselves in the Charter. The exercise of the veto power is a case in point. As a result, they have continued to control and dominate post war events. Following the growth in membership of the United Nations from fifty one in 1945 to one hundred and eighty-four in 1993, these privileges have come under serious criticism on the grounds that they are undemocratic and anachronistic. They even violate, in essence, the fundamental principle of sovereign equality of States enshrined in Article 2 of the Charter. The call for the democratisation of the UN and, in particular, the Security Council is to make it more representative thereby enhancing its effectiveness, moral authority, legitimacy and credibility. The enlargement of the Council wiil also reflect the realities of the new glohal and reaional power configuration. This is characterised by the rise of two economic giants - Germany and Japan -and the emergence of such regional powers in Africa, Asia and-Latin America as Nigeria, India and Brazil respectively. Nigeria is among the leading countries calling for a more equitable distribution of the Council's membership because the five permanent members will never invite others to join them. It is also interested in occupying the African seat in the Council when this becomes available. Combined forces of history, geo-politics and economics have imposed unique responsibilities on Nigeria, which make this objective a foreign policy imperative. Her vast human and material resources potential, her contributions to the attainment of the principles and purposes of the organisation, her leadership role in Africa qualify her for this position. This study examines the rationale for Nigeria's bid for a seat at the Council and the advantages of such membership. It also examines the envisaged obstacles, both endogenous and exogenous to and strategies for the attainment of this objective which it considers good foreign policy. It also throws some light on Nigeria's state of preparedness to face the challenges of a rapidly changing world, with the re-emergence of a democratic non-racial South Africa. It is basically concerned with Nigeria's practice of multilateral diplomacy; the perception of its increasing role within the international system as the most important black nation and its responsibility to make the blackman's voice heard on issues affecting all mankind. The methodology is an admix of the critical and analytical approaches. It also includes a review of existing literature on the subject, interviews and discussions with individuals in the field of Nigerian foreign policy.enAllied Powersundemocratic and anachronisticDemocracyCharterThesis